• 001_Krishnakath.jpg
  • 002_Vividhangi-Vyaktimatva-1.jpg
  • 003_Shabdhanche.jpg
  • 004_Mazya-Rajkiya-Athwani.jpg
  • 005_Saheb_14.jpg
  • 006_Yashodhan_76.jpg
  • 007_Yashodharshan.jpg
  • 008_Yashwant-Chintanik.jpg
  • 009_Kartrutva.jpg
  • 010_Maulik-Vichar.jpg
  • 011_YCHAVAN-N-D-MAHANOR.jpg
  • 012_Sahyadricheware.jpg
  • 013_Runanubandh.jpg
  • 014_Bhumika.jpg
  • 016_YCHAVAN-SAHITYA-SUCHI.jpg
  • 017_Maharashtratil-Dushkal.jpg
  • Debacle-to-Revival-1.jpg
  • INDIA's-FOREIGN-POLICY.jpg
  • ORAL-HISTORY-TRANSCRIPT.jpg
  • sing_3.jpg

India Foreign Policy -२२

Sino-Indian Relations

Q.
In your introductory article you mentioned that the upgrading of diplomatic relations with China to ambassadorial level was not something radical but a continuation of our time-honoured policy towards China. You have also stated that you had cau­tioned against euphoria in diplomatic circles on account of this limited move. In retrospect it seems to me that this was a very major advance in the recent developments between the United States and China. Could you give us the background of your thinking of upgrading relations with China?

A.
During my visits to foreign countries and meetings with dip­lomats, representatives of governments and others in Delhi, we gathered the impression, piecemeal and fragmentary though it was that China would be willing to respond positively to any moves we might adopt towards improving the Sino-Indian rela­tions. At that time, hints were coming from Peking from our charge d'affairs, that the time had come to formulate moves to improve further the normalisation of Sino-Indian relations. It was obvious that we had to give much thought to what such move would be, and we ultimately decided that to begin with the exchange of ambassadors would be a good step forward to improve relations between the two countries. I remember that there was considerable scepticism in the Foreign Office, which was probably shared in segments of political circles over these moves. But we persisted because it was our conviction that whatever might be the response from China, we would have once again vindicated our avowed policy of forging and strengthening friendly ties with our neighbours, especially with China.

We could also sense the wind of change coming over China after the disappearance of the two great leaders' of that great country, Mao Tse-tung and Chou En-lai, both patriotic to the core, though their ideological thrust was, in my opinion, some­what different.

During the quarter of a century of my work with the Govern­ment in Bombay and New Delhi, I have never had the oppor­tunity to visit China. I am deeply interested in the developments taking place in that great country. I am often tempted to indulge in speculations about the changing face of China, which has been so close to India from ancient times and which should be so in the near future. For thousands of years, India and China had exchanged scholars, theologians and thinkers and there had been a lively dialogue between the two countries on philosophical, literary and cultural thought during those years. Unhappily, this long tradition of friendship and exchange of ideas was temporarily broken in October, 1962. Incidentally, it was this event which brought me to Delhi, as Nehru called me to Delhi to take up the Defence portfolio on November 20, 1962.